Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I am very happy to be here and to participate in the common cause that unites us: the pursuit of justice.

I'm delighted to be here with representatives of the global coalition to free the Kremlin's political prisoners and the launch of the first-ever landmark report on this matter. Now while we know of Russia's external aggression—in Ukraine, Crimea and Venezuela—we are largely unaware of the domestic repression that is taking place as we meet, which includes the criminalization of fundamental freedoms of religion, expression, assembly, association and political participation; the persecution and prosecution of the leaders of Russia's courageous civil society, political activists, journalists, human rights defenders, Ukrainians, religious leaders, the LGBTQ community and the like; the sixfold increase in the number of political prisoners, from 50 to 296, in just the last four years; and finally, the culture of impunity, wherein the very architects of repression named in the report are not only not held accountable for their criminality, but have even, in some cases, been rewarded for it.

May I conclude, therefore, with a number of recommendations for this body? For reasons of time, I'll do so in a series of one-liners.

Number one, combat the culture of criminality and impunity by imposing Magnitsky sanctions on the architects of repression detailed and documented in our report. I remind you that Boris Nemtsov, the courageous leader of Russian democracy who came to Canada before this committee and supported Magnitsky sanctions, and who was ultimately assassinated in Russia, always spoke of Magnitsky sanctions as being the most pro-Russian legislation one could enact because such legislation was on behalf of the Russian people.

Two, take the lead in multilateral engagement, whether at the UN, the OSCE, the G20 or the like.

Three, hold Russia to account for its breach of its international treaty violations, treaties that Canada is a state party to with Russia, and thus of its violation of its obligations made to us.

Four, take up the case and cause of the Kremlin's political prisoners, something that I've been doing for the last 40 years, having been inspired by them. It began with Anatoly Sharansky's release after eight and a half years; continued with Vladimir Nikitin, the environmental activist who was the last political prisoner before the Putin regime, but interestingly enough, was imprisoned by Putin, who was then the head of the FSB, or the former KGB; and finally, right now, Anastasia Shevchenko, one of the most recent courageous Russian political prisoners, whose case I have the honour to take up as her international legal counsel.

Let us also remember that even if we don't succeed immediately in bringing about their release, what experience has shown is that our actions will help to relieve their conditions in detention, the torture and other inflictions they may be suffering.

Five, support the courageous Russian civil society. Let them know that they are not alone.

Finally, as we approach the 40th anniversary of the Helsinki Final Act, whose organizing theme in principle seven was the right to know and act upon their rights, those who undertook to know and act upon their rights in Russia are now languishing in prison. As a leading sponsor of the Helsinki Final Act, we have an obligation to hold the Kremlin leadership accountable.

As Vladimir said, “It is time to break the silence” and to do so in the pursuit of justice.

Thank you, Mr. Chair.